Το Περιβάλλον ειναι ο Ναός μας
2007 αναγνώστες
Πέμπτη, 27 Σεπτεμβρίου 2007
08:44
  • www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/worldbalance/earth.html                                                                                      
  • "Σε ξαναερωτευτηκα αλλη μια φορα και να γνωριζεις ,φερω μεσα μου ενα "κενο" ,το οποιο εντουτοις με κατακλυζει ,και που ξεπερνιεται μονον οταν σε αγκαλιαζω"... Αντρε Γκορζ.                                                
  • Αν το ειχε γραψει για την μικρη μας "ecosphere"..., τι περισσοτερο θα μπορουσε να προσθεσει κανεις σε αυτα τα λογια .
  • Ο ανθρωπος , γεματος παθη και χωρις κριση εξωθει την οικοσφαιρα   σε επικινδυνα μονοπατια.
  • Ομως ,πως να σταματησεις το παγερο ποταμι ,που κυλαει στις φλεβες μας , την εποχη του προφανεστατου αποχωρισμου μας απο την μητερα φυση.
  • Μπορει η αγαπη να κρατησει για παντα; Οχι, σε αυτο τον κοσμο που δημιουργουμε χωρις την ευχη της μητερας Γης.
  • .....
  •  Να και μια ωραια Ιστορια μπορει να μας θυμισει λιγο απο το μελλον .
  • Can what happened on one small island in the South Pacific serve as a cautionary tale for the entire planet? To see just how clearly a growing human population relies on and impacts its natural environment, one need look no farther than Easter Island, the South Pacific isle with the famous stone statues known as moai. I have been doing a lot of reading about the fate of Easter in preparation for an upcoming trip, and, as the geographer John Flenley and archeologist Paul Bahn write in The Enigmas of Easter Island, "it is a story with an urgent and sobering message for our own times." Easter Island is the most isolated piece of inhabited land in the world. A speck of volcanic rock only about twice the size of Manhattan, it lies roughly 2,250 miles northwest of Chile and 1,300 miles east of Pitcairn Island (of Mutiny on the Bounty fame). When, as most scholars believe, the first Polynesian settlers arrived from the west about the middle of the first millennium A.D., they found a pristine tropical island. Covered in a palm forest, it resounded with the cries of 25 or more species of nesting seabirds and at least six land birds. Though its soils were low in nutrients, the island bore a wide coastal plain well suited for cultivation of the taro, yam, sweet potato, and other crops these pioneers brought with them and which became their staples. The population grew slowly at first, then more quickly, reaching a peak around the middle of the second millennium A.D. of anywhere from 10,000 to 20,000 people. By this time, the Rapanui, as the islanders are known, had developed a complex society of chiefdoms and elaborate stone architecture epitomized by the moai. Beginning around 1600, however, Rapanui civilization began to fall apart, and by the mid-19th century, it had all but disappeared. After decades of painstaking work, a host of archeologists, ethnographers, and other specialists have painted a comprehensive picture of what transpired on Easter Island. And the parallels between what happened there and what is occurring today in the world at large—albeit more slowly and on a much vaster scale—are, as the evolutionary biologist Jared Diamond has put it, "chillingly obvious." Trees of life One could argue that Rapanui culture and society rose and fell with the fortunes of the island's trees. Studies of pollen and charcoal from extinct plants have shown that, before people first arrived and well into the early centuries after settlement, a subtropical forest blanketed the island. Among its species was the world's largest palm tree. It outsized even the giant Chilean wine palm, today's biggest, which grows to 65 feet tall and a yard in diameter. On Easter Island, the Polynesian word rakau ("tree," "wood," "timber") meant "riches" or "wealth." This is not surprising, for the Rapanui used trees and their products for almost everything. They ate the fruits of the trees as well as the birds that lived among them. They thatched their houses, which looked like upended boats, with palm fronds. They fashioned bark-cloth clothing. They burned firewood for cooking and for keeping warm on winter nights, which on Easter Island can drop as low as 50°F. They built oceangoing canoes and crafted harpoons to spear dolphins and pelagic fish such as tuna. And they used some combination of log rollers, sleds, and/or levers, along with rope made from tree fibers, to transport and erect the hundreds of moai that once stood around the edges of the island, their brooding faces gazing inland. Archeologists have deduced that clearing of trees for crops and other uses began soon after the first Rapanui arrived and was largely over by 1600. In a recent article for The New York Review of Books, Diamond called it "the most extreme example of forest destruction in the Pacific, and among the most extreme in the world: the whole forest gone, and all of its tree species extinct." (A single endemic tree, the toromiro, survived in botanical gardens in Sweden, after some seeds germinated that the ethnologist Thor Heyerdahl had collected from the last surviving specimen, and someday the tree may again grace Easter's grassy slopes.) Fallen idols The end of the forest had devastating consequences, both directly through the loss of the trees' raw materials and indirectly through what those products allowed the Rapanui to do. Archeologists have found, for example, that by 1500, porpoise bones all but vanish from the island's refuse heaps. Common dolphins weigh up to 165 pounds and live far offshore, yet the Rapanui had clearly found a way to fish for them: in garbage remains at an early site on the north coast, porpoise bones constitute more than one third of all bones. Experts infer that the Rapanui must have built sturdy, oceangoing canoes out of the now-extinct trees. Without the trees, that rich food source fell frustratingly out of reach. By 1872, the number of Rapanui had plummeted to just 111 individuals. The expanding population put other food sources under extraordinary pressure. Garbage heaps show that seabirds and shellfish declined over time, and the six species of land birds, including two rails, two parrots, a heron, and a barn owl, went extinct. Their end came probably through a combination of hunting, loss of their forest habitat, and the stealing of their eggs by the Polynesian rat, the only animal to survive in abundance in the wild. (The rat forestalled any comeback by the vanishing trees: every fossil palm nut that experts have turned up on the island had been nibbled by rats in such a way as to preclude germination.) Even as the forests dwindled, Rapanui chiefs intensified food production, eager to create surpluses to support the carving of ever-larger statues. But that practice stressed an already fragile agricultural system built on marginal soils and insufficient water. "The removal of the forest may have reduced localized rainfall and lowered the productivity that was needed for corporate work efforts and by a large and growing population," says Christopher Stevenson, an archeologist with the Virginia Department of Historic Resources who has done years of work on Easter Island. "They reached a threshold where their economy took a really severe hit." To us today, the most obvious manifestation of that hit is the crash of the moai culture. Oral tradition holds that the last moai was erected in 1620. With the religious basis of their power severely weakened or gone, the chiefs and priests who had held sway on the island for centuries were overthrown by military leaders around 1680. The society collapsed into civil war, and rival factions began toppling moai; the last erect statue recorded by European visitors was seen in 1838. (All standing statues today were re-erected in modern times.) In the decades before the Dutch explorer Jacob Roggeveen "discovered" the island on Easter Day, 1722—hence the island's name—the Rapanui began to go hungry. Out of desperation, they may even have turned to cannibalism. Though Stevenson says the population had begun to rebound by the time Roggeveen's sails appeared on the horizon, contact with outsiders over the next century and a half spelled doom for the Rapanui through introduced diseases, slave raids, and other impacts. By 1872, the number of Rapanui had plummeted to just 111 individuals.* Metaphor for disaster Can Easter Island be seen as a microcosm of our planet today? Should we regard its shocking collapse as a cautionary tale of the utmost gravity? In the world at large, we are deforesting our land, overfishing our oceans, causing the extinction of large numbers of species. We are watching our topsoil disappear by the millions of tons each year. We are starting to fight over ever-scarcer freshwater. We are overconsuming our resources as if there were no tomorrow, or future generations. One would have to be in denial not to see those "chillingly obvious" parallels to Easter Island. "The message is clear," says Jos? Miguel Ram?rez, a Chilean archeologist who served as superintendent of Rapa Nui National Park from 1993 to 1999. "In the past, some people on Easter Island, namely the ruling class, were able to destroy other people and their homes, but now some societies can destroy everything, and for the same reason: power and greed. The only difference is the scale—from a little island to the whole planet." Some scholars take issue with the notion of seeing Easter's fate as a metaphor for disaster. Jo Anne Van Tilburg, one of the leading archeologists of Easter Island, considers it "a projection of Western values which emphasizes the self-destruction of the Rapanui culture over the actual, near-annihilation of it by contact with the West." Yet such cross-cultural contact, one might argue, is precisely the reason why we should be concerned. Again, Jared Diamond: Thanks to globalization, international trade, jet planes, and the Internet, all countries on Earth today share resources and affect each other, just as did Easter's eleven clans. Polynesian Easter Island was as isolated in the Pacific Ocean as the Earth is today in space. When the Easter Islanders got into difficulties, there was nowhere to which they could flee, or to which they could turn for help; nor shall we modern Earthlings have recourse elsewhere if our troubles increase. Those are the reasons why people see the collapse of Easter Island society as a metaphor, a worst-case scenario, for what may lie ahead of us in our own future. Unless we can learn from the Rapanui, and act accordingly. *The population has rebounded to several thousand people today. -Peter Tyson-
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1740 αναγνώστες
Τετάρτη, 26 Σεπτεμβρίου 2007
11:00

Για αλλη μια φορα ο ανθρωπος βρηκε τον τροπο να παραβιασει τον χρονο της φυσης βρισκοντας τροπο να καλλιεργει ασταματητα ολο τον χρονο.

Στην Κινα οταν ανακαλυψαν τον τροπο να παραγουν δυο σοδειες ρυζι τον χρονο, ο πλυθησμος της διπλασιαστηκε σε λιγα χρονια.

Οι καλλιεργειες ετησιων σιτηρων σε παγκοσμιο επιδεδο καλυπτουν το 80% των καλλιεργουμενων εδαφων. Ο εμφρων ανθρωπος πηρε τα πολυετη φυτα και τα μετετρεψε σε ετησια .Τους εριξε αρκετα λιπασματα,φυτοφαρμακα και πολυ περισσοτερο νερο . Η φυση ομως πολλα χρονια πριν του προσφερε τα πολυετη σιτηρα .Αυτα τα οποια δεν χρειαζονται το περισσοτερο νερο ,τα πολλα λιπασματα και τα επικινδυνα φυτοφαρμακα.Περισσοτερο, δεν χρειαζονται ετησια καλλιεργεια .Ετσι, απαιτουν μικροτερη χρηση αγροτικων μηχανηματων Τωρα ,μετα απο τοσα επαναλαμβανομενα λαθη ο ανθρωπος ριχνει λοξες ματιες στην σοφια της 'ecosphere' .Τα ετησια και πολυετη σιτηρα ειναι αλλο ενα παραδειγμα ,που μας φερνει μπροστα στις ευθυνες μας .

Για αλλη μια φορα, με την επιταχυνση του χρονου καλλιεργειας ,προσπαθησαμε να αλλαξουμε το ρολοι της φυσης. Και, ακομα μια φορα, δεν παραδεχτηκαμε οτι ο χρονος αυτος δεν γινεται να αλλαξει.

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1820 αναγνώστες
Δευτέρα, 24 Σεπτεμβρίου 2007
12:11
  • Water horror stories United States: The High Plains Aquifer System (Ogallala) underlies 20% of all US irrigated land and contains some 3700 cukm. Net depletion in 30 years amounts to 325 cukm. More than 65% of this depletion has occurred in the Texas High Plains, where irrigated area dropped by 26% between 1979 and 1989. Current depletion is estimated at 12 cukm/yr. United States, California: Groundwater overdraft averages 1.6 cukm/yr, amounting to 15% of the state's annual net groundwater use. Two thirds of the depletion occurs in the Central Valley, the country's (and to some extent the world's) fruit and vegetable basket. United States, Southwest: Overpumping in Arizona alone totals more than 1.2 cukm/yr. East of Phoenix, water tables have dropped more than 120m. Projections for Albuquerque show that, if groundwater withdrawals continue at current rates, water tables will drop an additional 20m by 2020. Mexico City and Valley of Mexico: Pumping exceeds natural recharge by 50-80%, which has led to falling water tables, aquifer compaction, land subsidence, and damage to surface structures. Arabian Peninsula: Groundwater use is nearly three times greater than recharge. Saudi Arabia depends on nonrenewable groundwater for roughly 75% of its water, which includes irrigating 2-4 Mt/yr wheat. At this depletion rate, groundwater reserves would last only about 50 years. North Africa: Net depletion of groundwater in Libya totals nearly 3.8 cukm/yr. For the whole of North Africa, current depletion is estimated at 10 cukm/yr. Israel and Gaza: Pumping from the coastal plain aquifer bordering the Mediterranean Sea exceeds recharge by some 60%. Salt water has invaded the aquifer. Spain: One-fifth of total groundwater use, or 1 cukm/yr, is unsustainable. India: Water tables in the Punjab, India's bread basket, are falling 0.2m annually across two-thirds of the state. In Gularat, groundwater levels declined in 90% of observation wells monitored during the 1980s. Large drops have also occurred in Tamil Nadu. North china: The water table beneath portions of Beijing has dropped 37m over the last 4 decades. Overdraft is widespread in the north China plain, an important grain-producing region. Southeast Asia: Significant overdraft has occurred in and around Bangkok, Manila and Jakarta. Overpumping has caused land to subside beneath Bangkok at a rate of 5-10 cm/yr for the past two decades.
  • WATER TABLES FALLING AND RIVERS RUNNING DRY Lester R. Brown As the world’s demand for water has tripled over the last half-century and as the demand for hydroelectric power has grown even faster, dams and diversions of river water have drained many rivers dry. As water tables fall, the springs that feed rivers go dry, reducing river flows. Scores of countries are overpumping aquifers as they struggle to satisfy their growing water needs, including each of the big three grain producers—China, India, and the United States. More than half the world’s people live in countries where water tables are falling. There are two types of aquifers: replenishable and nonreplenishable (or fossil) aquifers. Most of the aquifers in India and the shallow aquifer under the North China Plain are replenishable. When these are depleted, the maximum rate of pumping is automatically reduced to the rate of recharge. For fossil aquifers, such as the vast U.S. Ogallala aquifer, the deep aquifer under the North China Plain, or the Saudi aquifer, depletion brings pumping to an end. Farmers who lose their irrigation water have the option of returning to lower-yield dryland farming if rainfall permits. In more arid regions, however, such as in the southwestern United States or the Middle East, the loss of irrigation water means the end of agriculture. The U.S. embassy in Beijing reports that Chinese wheat farmers in some areas are now pumping from a depth of 300 meters, or nearly 1,000 feet. Pumping water from this far down raises pumping costs so high that farmers are often forced to abandon irrigation and return to less productive dryland farming. A World Bank study indicates that China is overpumping three river basins in the north—the Hai, which flows through Beijing and Tianjin; the Yellow; and the Huai, the next river south of the Yellow. Since it takes 1,000 tons of water to produce one ton of grain, the shortfall in the Hai basin of nearly 40 billion tons of water per year (1 ton equals 1 cubic meter) means that when the aquifer is depleted, the grain harvest will drop by 40 million tons—enough to feed 120 million Chinese. In India, water shortages are particularly serious simply because the margin between actual food consumption and survival is so precarious. In a survey of India’s water situation, Fred Pearce reported in New Scientist that the 21 million wells drilled are lowering water tables in most of the country. In North Gujarat, the water table is falling by 6 meters (20 feet) per year. In Tamil Nadu, a state with more than 62 million people in southern India, wells are going dry almost everywhere and falling water tables have dried up 95 percent of the wells owned by small farmers, reducing the irrigated area in the state by half over the last decade. As water tables fall, well drillers are using modified oil-drilling technology to reach water, going as deep as 1,000 meters in some locations. In communities where underground water sources have dried up entirely, all agriculture is rain-fed and drinking water is trucked in. Tushaar Shah, who heads the International Water Management Institute’s groundwater station in Gujarat, says of India’s water situation, “When the balloon bursts, untold anarchy will be the lot of rural India.” In the United States, the U.S. Department of Agriculture reports that in parts of Texas, Oklahoma, and Kansas—three leading grain-producing states—the underground water table has dropped by more than 30 meters (100 feet). As a result, wells have gone dry on thousands of farms in the southern Great Plains. Although this mining of underground water is taking a toll on U.S. grain production, irrigated land accounts for only one fifth of the U.S. grain harvest, compared with close to three fifths of the harvest in India and four fifths in China. Pakistan, a country with 158 million people that is growing by 3 million per year, is also mining its underground water. In the Pakistani part of the fertile Punjab plain, the drop in water tables appears to be similar to that in India. Observation wells near the twin cities of Islamabad and Rawalpindi show a fall in the water table between 1982 and 2000 that ranges from 1 to nearly 2 meters a year. In the province of Baluchistan, water tables around the capital, Quetta, are falling by 3.5 meters per year. Richard Garstang, a water expert with the World Wildlife Fund and a participant in a study of Pakistan’s water situation, said in 2001 that “within 15 years Quetta will run out of water if the current consumption rate continues.” Iran, a country of 70 million people, is overpumping its aquifers by an average of 5 billion tons of water per year, the water equivalent of one third of its annual grain harvest. Under the small but agriculturally rich Chenaran Plain in northeastern Iran, the water table was falling by 2.8 meters a year in the late 1990s. New wells being drilled both for irrigation and to supply the nearby city of Mashad are responsible. Villages in eastern Iran are being abandoned as wells go dry, generating a flow of “water refugees.” Saudi Arabia, a country of 25 million people, is as water-poor as it is oil-rich. Relying heavily on subsidies, it developed an extensive irrigated agriculture based largely on its deep fossil aquifer. After several years of using oil money to support wheat prices at five times the world market level, the government was forced to face fiscal reality and cut the subsidies. Its wheat harvest dropped from a high of 4 million tons in 1992 to some 2 million tons in 2005. Some Saudi farmers are now pumping water from wells that are 1,200 meters deep (nearly four fifths of a mile). In neighboring Yemen, a nation of 21 million, the water table under most of the country is falling by roughly 2 meters a year as water use outstrips the sustainable yield of aquifers. In western Yemen’s Sana’a Basin, the estimated annual water extraction of 224 million tons exceeds the annual recharge of 42 million tons by a factor of five, dropping the water table 6 meters per year. World Bank projections indicate the Sana’a Basin—site of the national capital, Sana’a, and home to 2 million people—will be pumped dry by 2010. In the search for water, the Yemeni government has drilled test wells in the basin that are 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) deep—depths normally associated with the oil industry—but they have failed to find water. Yemen must soon decide whether to bring water to Sana’a, possibly by pipeline from coastal desalting plants, if it can afford it, or to relocate the capital. Either alternative will be costly and potentially traumatic. Israel, even though it is a pioneer in raising irrigation water productivity, is depleting both of its principal aquifers—the coastal aquifer and the mountain aquifer that it shares with Palestinians. Israel’s population, whose growth is fueled by both natural increase and immigration, is outgrowing its water supply. Conflicts between Israelis and Palestinians over the allocation of water in the latter area are ongoing. Because of severe water shortages, Israel has banned the irrigation of wheat. In Mexico—home to a population of 107 million that is projected to reach 140 million by 2050—the demand for water is outstripping supply. Mexico City’s water problems are well known. Rural areas are also suffering. For example, in the agricultural state of Guanajuato, the water table is falling by 2 meters or more a year. At the national level, 51 percent of all the water extracted from underground is from aquifers that are being overpumped. Since the overpumping of aquifers is occurring in many countries more or less simultaneously, the depletion of aquifers and the resulting harvest cutbacks could come at roughly the same time. And the accelerating depletion of aquifers means this day may come soon, creating potentially unmanageable food scarcity. While falling water tables are largely hidden, rivers that are drained dry before they reach the sea are highly visible. Two rivers where this phenomenon can be seen are the Colorado, the major river in the southwestern United States, and the Yellow, the largest river in northern China. Other large rivers that either run dry or are reduced to a mere trickle during the dry season are the Nile, the lifeline of Egypt; the Indus, which supplies most of Pakistan’s irrigation water; and the Ganges in India’s densely populated Gangetic basin. Many smaller rivers have disappeared entirely. Since 1950, the number of large dams, those over 15 meters high, has increased from 5,000 to 45,000. Each dam deprives a river of some of its flow. Engineers like to say that dams built to generate electricity do not take water from the river, only its energy, but this is not entirely true since reservoirs increase evaporation. The annual loss of water from a reservoir in arid or semiarid regions, where evaporation rates are high, is typically equal to 10 percent of its storage capacity. The Colorado River now rarely makes it to the sea. With the states of Colorado, Utah, Arizona, Nevada, and, most important, California depending heavily on the Colorado’s water, the river is simply drained dry before it reaches the Gulf of California. This excessive demand for water is destroying the river’s ecosystem, including its fisheries. A similar situation exists in Central Asia. The Amu Darya—which, along with the Syr Darya, feeds the Aral Sea—is diverted to irrigate the cotton fields of Central Asia. In the late 1980s, water levels dropped so low that the sea split in two. While recent efforts to revitalize the North Aral Sea have raised the water level somewhat, the South Aral Sea will likely never recover. China’s Yellow River, which flows some 4,000 kilometers through five provinces before it reaches the Yellow Sea, has been under mounting pressure for several decades. It first ran dry in 1972. Since 1985 it has often failed to reach the sea, although better management and greater reservoir capacity have facilitated year-round flow in recent years. The Nile, site of another ancient civilization, now barely makes it to the sea. Water analyst Sandra Postel, in Pillar of Sand, notes that before the Aswan Dam was built, some 32 billion cubic meters of water reached the Mediterranean each year. After the dam was completed, however, increasing irrigation, evaporation, and other demands reduced its discharge to less than 2 billion cubic meters. Pakistan, like Egypt, is essentially a river-based civilization, heavily dependent on the Indus. This river, originating in the Himalayas and flowing westward to the Indian Ocean, not only provides surface water, it also recharges aquifers that supply the irrigation wells dotting the Pakistani countryside. In the face of growing water demand, it too is starting to run dry in its lower reaches. Pakistan, with a population projected to reach 305 million by 2050, is in trouble. In Southeast Asia, the flow of the Mekong is being reduced by the dams being built on its upper reaches by the Chinese. The downstream countries, including Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Viet Nam—countries with 168 million people—complain about the reduced flow of the Mekong, but this has done little to curb China’s efforts to exploit the power and the water in the river. The same problem exists with the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, which originate in Turkey and flow through Syria and Iraq en route to the Persian Gulf. This river system, the site of Sumer and other early civilizations, is being overused. Large dams erected in Turkey and Iraq have reduced water flow to the once “fertile crescent,” helping to destroy more than 90 percent of the formerly vast wetlands that enriched the delta region. In the river systems just mentioned, virtually all the water in the basin is being used. Inevitably, if people upstream use more water, those downstream will get less. As demands continue to grow, balancing water demand and supply is imperative. Failure to do so means that water tables will continue to fall, more rivers will run dry, and more lakes and wetlands will disappear. -

  •  Ποσο μεγαλο λαθος ειναι ο χρονισμος της ανθρωποτητας ,ποσο διαφορετικος απο αυτον της φυσης.
  • Τους εξοντωτικους ρυθμους που της επιβαλλουμε δεν μπορει να ακολουθησει.
  • Πως λοιπον θα προγραμματισουμε την 'ecosphere'  οπως κανουμε και με τις ζωες μας. Τι φταιει και αυτη δεν μπορει να ακολουθησει τις οδηγιες μας. Μηπως η φυση δεν εχει τις δυνατοτητες του ανθρωπου.
  • Η μήπως η λογικη του ανθρωπου λογω πεπερασμενων δυνατοτητων προσαρμοζεται ευκολοτερα στην ρομποτοποιηση ;
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1750 αναγνώστες
Σάββατο, 22 Σεπτεμβρίου 2007
11:15

Ενω, οι πιο απλες δημιουργιες της φυσης ειναι πολυπλοκες και ακατανοητες. Οι πιο πολυσυνθετες κατασκευες του ανθρωπου ειναι απλες στην δημιουργια και στη λειτουργια τους. Επειδη, ο ανθρωπος μπορει να σκεφτεται ,πιστευει οτι θα μπορεσει καποια στιγμη να γνωριζει τα παντα. Η πρωτη, πρωτη σκεψη του και επιθυμια ηταν πως να δημιουργησει και αυτος κατι που θα συναγωνιζεται την τελειοτητα της φυσης. Ετσι ,ξεκινησε η αναζητηση, και τα δημιουργηματα των διαφορων πολιτισμων ειναι  μαρτυριες των μοναδικων δυνατοτητων του.

 Η τεχνολογια τα τελευταια χρονια εκανε απιστευτα αλματα .Υπαρχουν ανθρωποι που ζουν σε διαστημικο σταθμο, την ιδια ωρα που αλλοι κατοικουν μεσα σε παρθενες ζουγκλες. Στην αναζητηση  αυτη ανακαλυψε αξιοθαυμαστους τροπους να χρησιμοποιει τον φυσικο πλουτο της Γης. Αλλα ,απο την πρωτη στιγμη δεν κατανοησε τον τροπο λειτουργιας της τεταρτης διαστασης .

Ο χρονος, ουτε με αμμο ουτε με δεικτες , μπορει να μετρηθει .Στο συμπαν ο χρονος λειτουργει με πολυ διαφορετικο τροπο απο οτι δειχνει το ρολοι μας. Ο ανθρωπος ζωντας ασφαλης μεσα στην "ecosphere" το μικρο  σπιτι του ,εκανε το λαθος να πιστεψει πως ο χρονος εχει καποιες συγκεκριμενες διαστασεις . Με αυτον την λογικη νομισε πως ευκολα θα μπορουσε να μετρησει τον χρονο οπως τις διαστασεις του σπιτιου του. Η λαθος αντιληψη του αυτη τον καταδικασε  εδω και εκατονταδες χρονια να λειτουργει σαν ρομποτ.

Ποιος ομως μπορει να αντιμετωπισει λανθασμενες αντιληψεις αιωνων; Ειδικα στην εποχη μας που η τεχνολογια πιεζει αφορητα τον ψυχολογικο και φυσικο κοσμο μας.

Οι τεχνολογικες εξελιξεις επιταχυνουν ολοενα και περισσοτερο τον χρονο  τον οποιο ακολουθει αποκλειστικα και μονο ο συγχρονος ανθρωπος.

Αυτη η σημαντικη παρεκκλιση και ανακολουθια μας οδηγειι  μεθοδικα στην αναποφευκτα στην τελειωτικη συγκρουση με την οικοσφαιρα.

 Η δυσκολια να αντιληφθουμε τους κινδυνους  της ρηξης  με τους απαραβατους κανονες της φυσης ειναι αποτελεσμα της λαθος ερμηνειας που εχουμε δωσει στον χρονο που διεπει την οικοσφαιρα.Ειναι τα εκατονταδες χρονια που ακολουθουμε πιστα τον χρονο που δημιουργησαμε.

Ο ανθρωπος μετα απο πολλα χρονια, εχοντας απλωσει σε ολη την Γη τις δημιουργιες του δυσκολευεται να νιωσει την αρχικη του επιθυμια της αγνης δημιουργικοτητας. Τα ερεθισματα που ερχονται απο τον κατασκευασμενο, απο την σκεψη του κοσμο, δεν μπορουν να τον βοηθησουν.  Οι επομενες γενιες θα πρεπει να συμβιβαστουν με αυτη την αδυναμια και θα πρεπει να  χρησιμοποιησουν με παθος τις αριθμομηχανες για να προχωρησουν ανεμποδιστα   στις επομενες επιστημονικες ανακαλυψεις. Αυτο θα εχει σαν αποτελεσμα την ρομποτοποιηση  ολων των ξεχωριστων προσωπικοτητων που θα δινουν κατευθυνση στην διαμορφωση της Ιστοριας.

Με αυτο τον τροπο θα απομακρυνθουμε και τελικως θα αποκτησουμε την βεβαιοτητα πως αυτη η νοσηρη κατασταση που βιωνουμε  ειναι η μονη αληθεια που πρεπει να σεβαστει  και η οικοσφαιρα , το εξυπνο σπιτι μας μας το οποιο μας παρακολουθει και ανεχεται την ιδιορρυθμη συμπεριφορα μας εδω και αρκετο καιρο.

 

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Παρασκευή, 21 Σεπτεμβρίου 2007
10:29

Toxic chemicals are contaminating groundwater on every inhabited continent, endangering the world's most valuable supplies of freshwater, reports a new study from the Worldwatch Institute, a Washington, DC-based research organization. This first global survey of groundwater pollution shows that a toxic brew of pesticides, nitrogen fertilizers, industrial chemicals, and heavy metals is fouling groundwater everywhere, and that the damage is often worst in the very places where people most need water. "Groundwater contamination is an irreversible act that will deprive future generations of one of life's basic resources," said Payal Sampat, author of Deep Trouble: The Hidden Threat of Groundwater Pollution. "In the next 50 years, an additional 3 billion people are expected to inhabit the Earth, creating even more demand for water for drinking, irrigation, and industry. But we're polluting our cheapest and most easily accessible supply of water. Most groundwater is still pristine, but unless we take immediate action, clean groundwater will not be there when we need it." Groundwater is an essential resource for sustaining civilization. Some 97 percent of the planet's liquid freshwater is stored in underground aquifers. Nearly one third of all humanity relies almost exclusively on groundwater for drinking, including the residents of some of the largest cities in the developing world, such as Jakarta, Dhaka, Lima, and Mexico City. Almost 99 percent of the rural U.S. population, and 80 percent of India's villagers, depend on groundwater for drinking. Groundwater irrigates some of the world's most productive cropland. More than half of irrigated farmland in India, and 43 percent in the United States, are watered by groundwater. Irrigation already accounts for about two thirds of water use worldwide. As rivers and lakes are dammed, dried up, or polluted, and as food demand grows in the next 50 years, farmers will become increasingly dependent on groundwater for irrigation. Groundwater also plays a key ecological role by replenishing rivers, streams, and wetlands. It provides much of the flow for the Mississippi, the Niger, the Yangtze, and many other great rivers-some of which would otherwise not run year-round. Groundwater contamination is already widespread: In the late 1990s, India's Central Pollution Control Board found that groundwater was unfit for drinking in all 22 major industrial zones it surveyed. One third of the wells tested in California's San Joaquin Valley in 1988 contained the pesticide DBCP at levels 10 times higher than the maximum allowed for drinking water-more than a decade after its use was banned. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates that about 100,000 gasoline storage tanks are leaking chemicals into groundwater. In Santa Monica, California, wells supplying half the city's water have been closed because of dangerously high levels of the gasoline additive MTBE. In the northern Chinese provinces of Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei, and Shandong, nitrate concentrations in groundwater exceeded the health guideline in more than half of the locations studied in 1995. "One of the most disturbing aspects of the problem is that groundwater pollution is essentially permanent," said Sampat. Water recycles extremely slowly underground, too slowly to flush out or dilute toxic chemicals. Water that enters an aquifer remains there for an average of 1,400 years, compared to only 16 days for rivers. Thus Londoners, for example, may be drinking water that fell as rain as long ago as the last Ice Age. The urgency of preventing groundwater contamination is highlighted by the costs of cleanup efforts. Water utilities in the midwestern United States, a region that is highly dependent on groundwater, spend $400 million each year to treat water for just one chemical, the pesticide atrazine. According to the U.S. National Research Council, initial cleanup of contaminated groundwater at some 300,000 sites in the United States could cost up to $1 trillion over the next 30 years. "Patchwork, end-of-pipe solutions are simply not enough," said Sampat. "To preserve this valuable resource, we need to make systematic changes in the way we grow our food, manufacture goods, and dispose of waste." The report proposes retooling industrial agriculture to reduce farm runoff, a leading source of groundwater pollution. The EPA estimates that cutting agricultural pollution could eliminate the need for at least $15 billion worth of additional advanced water treatment facilities. Farmers from Indonesia to Kenya are learning how to use less chemicals while boosting yields. Since 1998, all the farmers in China's Yunnan Province have eliminated their use of fungicides, while doubling rice yields, by planting more diverse varieties of the grain. Water utilities in Germany now pay farmers to switch to organic operations because it costs less than removing farm chemicals from water supplies. Companies also need to take greater responsibility for their toxic discharges. Sixty percent of the most hazardous liquid waste in the United States-34 billion liters per year of solvents, heavy metals, and radioactive materials-is injected directly into deep groundwater via thousands of "injection wells." Although the EPA requires that these effluents be injected below the deepest source of drinking water, some have entered underground water supplies in Florida, Texas, Ohio, and Oklahoma. Manufacturers can reduce groundwater pollution by reusing materials and chemicals-thus reducing leakages from landfills. Companies are building "industrial symbiosis" parks in which the unusable wastes from one firm become the input for another. Such waste exchanges help an industrial park in Kalundborg, Denmark, to keep more than 1.3 million tons of effluent out of landfills and septic systems each year. Manufacturers can also switch to less toxic alternatives. In Sweden, where chlorinated solvents are being entirely phased out by the end of 2000, some firms already report economic savings from switching to water-based solvents derived from biochemical sources such as citrus fruits, corn, soybeans, and lactic acid. Sampat calls on governments to encourage reductions or replacement of toxic chemicals. One tool is fiscal policy. Pollution taxes in the Netherlands, for example, have helped the country slash discharges of heavy metals such as mercury and arsenic into waterways by up to 99 percent between 1976 and the mid-1990s.

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